Gray Davis goes electric

And then there was the brass-knuckle politics. Before the hearing began, the RNC also handed out paper fans, mockingly labeled "Gray Davis's solution for summer blackouts." The California Republican Party issued a harsh statement from chairman Shawn Steel, calling Davis "a desperate man. Desperate men tell lies." And in case you missed the subtext of any of these nuanced slams, the conservative group Citizens for a Sound Economy issued a press release declaring that "the energy crisis in California is Gray Davis's Fault!"

The hearing was just slightly more civil. While Lieberman and the other Democrats on the panel -- especially Sens. Patty Murray and Maria Cantwell of Washington state, where the energy crisis is also having disastrous effects -- were full of love and praise for Davis, their Republican colleagues were not so cordial.

"For Gov. Davis this is (about) a bunch of Texas cowboys who got together at the corral and decided to take advantage of California," said Sen. Fred Thompson, R-Tenn., ranking Republican on the committee and former movie actor. While cordially telling Davis that he "wouldn't wish your problem on my worst enemy" -- and adding that he was "especially impressed that you've seen all of my movies" -- Thompson spelled out a number of warning signs that Davis should have picked up on in 1999 and 2000. "I want to ask you how it was that you seemed to let things get totally out of hand?" Thompson asked. "Why didn't you act sooner?"

Davis, of course, maintained that he had been working hard on the energy problem from Day 1, that his administration began licensing new power plants in his fourth month in office, in April 1999, and had been a leader in the conservation movement even before that. But even California Democrats acknowledge, on background, that Davis was slow getting out of the box in tackling the energy issue. Some, like state Treasurer Phil Angelides and state Senate leader John Burton, have been outspoken in their criticism of Davis' handling of the crisis. Signs of the pending crisis started showing up two years ago, and utilities were complaining about retail price caps possibly bankrupting their businesses long before that. Davis did nothing then.

"He could have been [tackling the problem] earlier and better," acknowledged one senior Democrat aide on the Hill.

"The prevailing wisdom among a lot of people is that he waited a little bit too long," added a senior Democratic strategist, who noted that the success of Davis' attacks against Bush and Vice President Dick Cheney as Texas oilmen "is helped by the national perception that every plan the White House presents is bought and paid for by special interests."

Davis did his best to escape blame Tuesday. "Do you not accept any responsibility for not having addressed the structural problems that were inherent in your system?" Thompson asked -- structural problems "that obviously had to be changed when so many of the circumstances were changing, especially in light of your emergency powers, if you needed to exercise them?"

But Davis held firm. "You know, it's nice for us to sit back here and talk about passing on the true price of electricity," Davis said, responding to GOP charges that the retail price caps of a year ago should have been lifted and much of today's problem could have been avoided. "But let me assure you, if I passed on a 700 percent increase to the citizens of California, there would be an outrage the likes of which you have never seen."

Democrats gave Davis a respite from the tough questions. Sen. Robert Torricelli, D-N.J., had praise for Davis, pointing out that the number of power plants that have begun construction under his watch is unprecedented. Torricelli's remarks -- "there is not a question in there," he himself noted -- were so glowing that after he spoke Lieberman joked, "I'm going to advise you, Governor, after Sen. Torricelli's comments you can rest your case."

But rising from these titters boomed the voice of Sen. Bob Bennett, R-Utah, advising Davis, "Don't get too comfortable."

Bennett read from a number of harsh editorials from California newspapers, accused Davis of trying to "nationalize" the energy industry in his state the way that the Labour Party once tried to do in Great Britain. Bennett was followed by a fellow former governor, the low-key Sen. George Voinovich, R-Ohio, who suggested that "the finger-pointing ought to end."

More pointedly, Sen. Pete Domenici, R-N.M., presented research that indicated that Davis had been presented with "11 opportunities at different times ... when you as governor either were offered the opportunity to enter into long-term contracts [for power] or urged by some committee or group about the possibility of entering into a long-term contract, but the recommendation went unheeded."

But at a press conference later that afternoon, none of the pointed barbs seemed to matter to Davis. Standing with 11 House Democrats, Davis argued that his "campaign" tactic of pressure was working. (He also clarified his choice of the word "campaign" as representing "not a political campaign" but one for a policy.) "The pressure brought us the relief that we received on Monday," Davis said. When asked about the fact that he didn't seem to have many friends on the GOP side of the Senate committee, Davis seemed nonplussed.

"Just a few months ago, everyone on the Republican side found the word 'price cap' abhorrent," Davis said. "And yet because of a concerted effort over the past year on my part, and several months on the part of some in the Congress" FERC initiated the limited and temporary price caps. "There is no doubt in my mind that the FERC action is a direct result of that pressure," Davis said.

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