For much of the last century, the analysis goes, Democrats and progressives did not need an outside infrastructure to carry their political messages. Instead, they could depend on three pillars of power that have since atrophied: the labor movement, the urban political machines, and the Democratic majority in Congress. Without this base support, the party found itself adrift. "What we were left with as our front line groups were the interest groups and they weren't meant for that," says Rosenberg, referring to the civil rights, environmental, and consumer rights groups that were designed to lobby a more receptive Congress. "If we want to win again, we will have to build a more efficient way to communicate our message."

Even before Stein began touring with his PowerPoint presentation, similar arguments had been used to justify founding several new liberal organizations like the Center for American Progress, a liberal think tank run by former Clinton advisor John Podesta, and Media Matters, a watchdog of conservative media run by David Brock, a former right-wing journalist.

Conservative philanthropists and strategists have been watching the Alliance efforts with some degree of curiosity, skeptical that liberals will be able to replicate their own accomplishments. "Conservatives always had assumed that liberals had this all down pat," says Robert Huberty, a veteran of the Heritage Foundation who now studies liberal philanthropy at the conservative Capital Research Center. "It's funny now to read the articles where the liberals are saying, 'Oh yes, the conservatives have been doing this for 40 years now.' " Others, like James Piereson, who directed giving at the Olin Foundation, point to what he sees as a lack of clear direction on the left, a problem that more money will not automatically solve. "I think the problem is one of ideas," he said. "What is the end? Where are they going?"

Liberal donors to the Alliance blame some of the current lack of direction on the Democratic Party, which has found itself outmatched by the GOP in nearly every election since 1994. "Most of us are saying, I want to define a battle that I can fight and win," says one Alliance donor, who asked to remain anonymous. At the same time, campaign finance reform has forced wealthy individuals to rethink how they give their money to political causes. "Friends would say to us, we used to just write a big check to the party and we can't do that anymore," says Deborah Rappaport, who has worked with Stein but is not a part of the Alliance. "So what should we do?"

After Labor Day, Rappaport hopes to make her own contribution to the discussion by launching a new Web site, dubbed the New Progressive Coalition, that will give donors a one-stop resource for evaluating worthy groups and individuals working to advance the progressive cause. The site, which will require a $100 membership fee, will offer advice to donors, and will eventually be matched by a series of donor fairs Rappaport is helping to plan. "We are looking at this as something that is compatible" with the Alliance, she said. "We're looking to build from the bottom-up model and my hope is that we meet in the middle."

The Alliance, on the other hand, takes a decidedly top-down approach. In April, the group met for the first time at a private retreat in Scottsdale, Ariz., where Soros ran a question and answer session with donors. Experts presented data on the spending and structure of conservative think tanks, and the political impact of bloggers. "The quality of the people who were gathered together in Scottsdale was breathtaking," says the Alliance donor, who did not mention their other benefit: a massive net worth.

People close to the Alliance say the group plans to meet again in the coming months to hear reports from task forces that have been established to research four broad areas of possible investment: ideas, media, leadership and civic engagement. This could lead to funding all manner of new or expanded think tanks, media outlets, leadership training programs, as well as programs to organize the grass roots at the state and national levels.

In the meantime, progressive activists are pointing to recent news cycles for evidence of the power a progressive infrastructure could provide. Cindy Sheehan, the mother of a fallen Iraqi war veteran, has come to dominate the media with a well-timed personal story. But behind the scenes, her message has been amplified, honed and processed through a loose network of progressive organizations. Groups like the Ben and Jerry-backed firm True Majority hired public relations professionals to handle her media calls. The liberal Air America made her a regular feature on the radio. MoveOn.org and Code Pink, two antiwar groups, helped spread the word through their activist bases, and liberal bloggers have been organized en masse. Sheehan posted her own blog at Huffington Post. Just a few years ago, none of these organizations existed in their current forms.

But donors emphasize that the Alliance is not focused on any short-term goals like reducing U.S. military involvement in Iraq. They want to remake the political discussion in America over the long haul. "It takes a lot of time," says Lewis B. Cullman, a New York financier who gives millions to progressive causes and hopes to help the Alliance. "I'm 86 years old. Maybe you will be here when it happens, but I won't."

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