But this isn't a normal foster-child foundation and the event wasn't organized like a normal bake sale. The firm handling the fundraising, the DCI group, was simultaneously representing the Burmese junta in its efforts to rebut reports that its army used rape as an instrument of governance in areas controlled by ethnic minorities. That's not to say DeLay does not care deeply about foster children, and he will no doubt spend the raised money on their behalf. He and his wife have taken in three foster children in years past and even his political opponents credit him for his sustained passion on the issue. But it's just a typical example of how DeLay's life seems dominated by the close relationships to the businesses that keeps him politically so unstoppable.

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As a young adult coming of age in Texas, DeLay's life roughly parallels that of the president he now serves. Kicked out of Baylor University for partying too much, he graduated from the University of Houston in 1970. Along the way, he drew a low number in the Vietnam draft lottery, skipped the war, and then started a pest-control company. He was elected to the Texas State Legislature in 1978 and to Congress to represent his Houston suburb in 1984. Soon after arriving in Washington, he entered a period where, he told the Washington Post in 2001, he drank "8, 10, 12 martinis a night," before finding a deeper Christianity. According to that same Post profile, he cut off all contact with his two brothers, sister and mother, an issue his press secretary refused to discuss. Mostly, since climbing on the wagon, DeLay has fixated on winning power for conservative Republicans.

As he's gained experience, DeLay has simply become more effective, making him every Republican's best friend, worst enemy, and financial lifeline. He is particularly adept on Capitol Hill at a technique called "catch and release." If a crucial vote comes up where moderate Republicans find themselves opposing the conservative GOP leadership, DeLay and his golfing partner Blunt corral them in the back of the House chambers. If it becomes clear that DeLay's side will win anyway, the moderates are released to vote their or their constituents' conscience. If the vote appears headed against DeLay, he twists the moderates' arms into voting with him.

DeLay can play this game because he knows the moderates fear him. In 1995, Republicans abolished the old system conferring committee chairs based on seniority. Instead, the leadership started deciding who got to serve as chairs. This is why moderate Rep. Christopher Shays, R-Conn., who generally supports DeLay, was blocked from becoming chair of the Government Reform Committee, a move even he says he knew would be a consequence of his support for campaign-finance reform. Rep. Marge Roukema, R-N.J., simply left Congress after DeLay boxed her out of several positions. In several primaries, DeLay has also worked against several moderate Republicans in favor of less electable conservatives, showing that the Texan would sometimes rather lose with a conservative than win with a moderate. DeLay has yet to support a challenger to a moderate incumbent, but before last November's elections, DeLay gave money to the Club for Growth, a powerful Republican group that spent most of the winter attacking Republican moderates who didn't support Bush's full tax cut.

He's capable of much deeper grudges. According to a story broken by Roll Call, the representative once diverted $70,000 into a Texas sheriff's race and commissioned push polls against one of the candidates apparently because the candidate made the mistake of hiring the wife of a man whose business partnership with DeLay had soured and wound up in court.

DeLay is also loyal -- not just to politicians who vote with him, but to his staffers, many of whom work for him for a few years and then move into lucrative lobbying jobs. When the Hill listed the city's top lobbyists, four were former DeLay employees. No other member of the House was credited with having more than one alumnus. Three of these alums are connected with ARM and the fourth, Drew Maloney, hasn't really left the family. Five of his clients at the Federalist Group gave at least $30,000 to DeLay's different fundraising organizations between January 2000 and December 2002. One of them, Reliant Energy, gave $75,000 to DeLay and, according to Roll Call, its Washington office last year hosted the baby shower of DeLay's daughter, Danielle Ferro, who has done heavy fundraising for Texans for a Republican Majority. Roy says, "It's always useful to have people both on the political side and lobbying who still consider themselves part of the organization and looking out for DeLay's best interest."

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