Florida Sen. Bob Graham recently asked, "If the standard of impeachment that the Republicans set for Bill Clinton -- a personal, consensual relationship -- was the basis for impeachment, would not a president who knowingly deceived the American people about something as important as whether to go to war meet the standard of impeachment?"

Ohio Rep. Dennis Kucinich gave a press conference Monday with a former intelligence officer who has written a letter calling for the resignation of Dick Cheney. Howard Dean, Kerry's main New Hampshire opponent right now, resurrected a line from Watergate last week to hammer Bush with. "What did the president know and when did he know it?" And he has a whole Web page devoted to "Uranium and Niger: Pattern of Deceit." The Democratic National Committee is also running extremely critical advertisements focusing on Bush's uranium claims.

Kerry didn't say anything remotely new and critical about the president's intelligence imbroglio, and his biggest crowd-pleaser was a bit perplexing. "We should not be opening firehouses in Baghdad while closing them in Brooklyn," he said to much applause.

Does that mean that we shouldn't be in Baghdad to begin with or that we should withdraw? No. Kerry voted for the authorization of war in Iraq and told the Washington Post last week that he was "absolutely convinced [that] vote was the right vote."

Does that then mean that, given that Americans are going to be there, we shouldn't be opening firehouses? It's hard to believe that Kerry wants that. More likely, the line was just a way of appealing to the audience at hand in a colorful way that didn't require Kerry to say anything contradicting his prior statements on Iraq.

Jeff Cohen, spokesman for Kucinich, wouldn't say anything specifically about Kerry. But he did say, "It's hard for candidates who went along with the war resolution to cast stones." In fact, the rap on Kerry is that he has repeatedly refused to say anything bold about Iraq. Last winter, he said that he would be against the war if Bush continued to proceed unilaterally (which he did), and for war if there was "an imminent threat" (which even Kerry said he believed there was). When the laptop of one of Kerry's top aides was stolen in March, jokes circulated that it might reveal the campaign's biggest secret: Kerry's position on the war.

David Wade, a campaign spokesman, answers the criticism by saying that the senator's stance was nuanced and diplomatic, adding, "John Kerry approached this decision as if he were commander in chief, not like he was running to be commander in chief."

In a way though, Kerry can be justified for bunting and giving a speech that seemed more intended to get him elected mayor of New York than president of the United States.

For one, Kerry has standing in the battle over national security, no matter what he does or says. Wade points out that the focus of the speech was to get Kerry into the fray on an issue of truth and national security, exactly the area where Kerry has starred before, starting with the senator's criticism of Vietnam policy and moving through battles over Oliver North, Manuel Noriega's drug trafficking, and prisoners of war. In each of those, the senator played a leading role; the current wrangle over intelligence, says Wade, "is so very Kerry."

But maybe more important, six months from now, few people are going to remember who was toughest on Bush during the yellowcake scandal. They are only going to remember if one of the candidates blunders and says something over the top or that turns out to be dramatically wrong. Moreover, there isn't that much additional damage that any one candidate, even the decorated Kerry, can do to Bush on this issue. With scores of pundits and papers already speaking out, a candidate can only move the debate on the margins.

However, what will matter six months from now is who has support from the unions and other fieldworkers. The police and fire department unions will be good for a lot of photo-ops and a lot of door knocking come primary season. Kerry has already built up an impressive party machine that he's been building since he raised millions that he knew he wouldn't have to spend for a 2000 Senate race against a no-name challenger. He's snagged key staff from Al Gore and Bill Bradley's campaigns, not to mention getting former state party heads to run his New Hampshire and Iowa campaigns. He also has nearly $11 million on hand, more than any of his rivals.

In other words, John Kerry doesn't seem to believe that he needs to hit home runs when it comes to national security.

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