These issues are what prompted the April 26 Sun-Sentinel column by Buddy Nevins, which artfully tap-danced around the issue by focusing on how Foley's liberal bent on issues of gay and lesbian rights -- in 2000, he merited a 100 percent rating by the Human Rights Campaign, which bills itself as the nation's leading "lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender equal rights" organization -- seemed incongruous with his conservatism on other issues. "I believe -- as a longtime political writer and columnist in the state of Florida for over 20 years -- that this will affect his campaign," Nevins tells Salon. "We will continue to look at this subject and follow it."

Nevins broached the matter with the congressman of how those votes might hurt him in a GOP primary, and says he took note of Foley's discomfort in discussing the matter. Foley is "clearly uncomfortable talking about gay rights in this campaign," Nevins wrote. "His speech slowed and his face darkened when asked a question about it." Foley told Nevins that he hoped "people would understand that those votes are fairness issues -- nondiscrimination against employees and things like that."

Following that story came a May 8 cover story in an area alternative weekly, the New Times of Broward-Palm Beach, titled "Out With the Truth: With His Voting Record at Issue, Why Won't U.S. Congressman Mark Foley Just Say That He's Gay?" That story prompted a May 22 cover story in the Washington Blade, a gay and lesbian newspaper in D.C. "Newspaper Outs Fla. Congressman," read the Blade's headline. "Republican Mark Foley's Staff Says Sexual Orientation Irrelevant to Senate Bid."

Throughout it all, Foley remained mum. "Frankly, I don't think what kind of personal relationships I have in my private life is of any relevance to anyone else," Foley said in 1996 when the Advocate claimed he was gay in a story about the Defense of Marriage Act, legislation against the federal recognition of gay and lesbian marriage. Foley, along with most other members of Congress and President Clinton, supported the legislation. "I know one thing for certain: When I travel around the district every weekend, the people who attend my town meetings and stop me on the street corner certainly are a lot more concerned with issues like how I voted on welfare reform or whether or not Medicare is going to be there when they need it -- not the details of whom I choose to have a relationship with."

The only time Foley seemed to answer the question came back in 1994, when he first ran for Congress. When asked about his sexuality by his hometown newspaper, the Stuart (Fla.) News, Foley responded: "I like women."

Guerriero of the Log Cabin Republicans says Foley's record should suffice. "Mark Foley's record on matters of fairness to all Americans of all walks of life is clear and unequivocal and makes it clear he does not concur with the sentiments expressed by Sen. Santorum," he says. "While we welcome Republicans and Democrats to speak out against Santorum's comments, which were so hurtful to some members of our American family, we're far more interested in the comprehensive nature of their public service."

Towson Fraser, communications director for the Florida Republican Party, agrees that Foley should be judged on his record and nothing else. He acknowledges that the recent stories have not escaped notice down in Tallahassee but refuses to touch them. "From our standpoint," Fraser says, "Congressman Foley is a valued member of our Republican family. He has a strong conservative record of supporting the president, and we're not going to get into that kind of gossip and innuendo." Won't Foley have to address the question? "That's a question for him," Fraser says. "We're not going to allow our primary and eventually the U.S. Senate race to degenerate into a contest of nasty rumors and gossip."

But privately, many Republican officials acknowledge that Foley will sooner or later have to address the matter -- and they hope it will be sooner. Many consider Foley to be a strong and appealing candidate who could run a strong race, though they acknowledge that if he's gay, that could hurt him in some more conservative areas of the state, particularly if the Democratic party nominates a moderate-to-conservative candidate.

What of the inevitable questions that will come from Democratic attack dogs regarding what they would characterize as the intrusive nature of Independent Counsel Kenneth Starr's investigation and the impeachment proceedings against President Clinton? Foley, after all, voted in favor of two of the four articles of impeachment.

"It's apples and oranges," says Francis. "Monica Lewinsky was a private affair gone public." Guerriero agrees, saying that while there was "overkill," "the president brought that scandal upon himself and brought it into the Oval Office."

Carville says he doesn't think Foley's role in Clinton's impeachment should have any bearing one way or another, but that the Santorum questions seem a more convincing way that this could become an issue in his race.

Frank, the Massachusetts representative, points to three recent races where gay Republican candidates were defeated in primaries and says that, though Foley's non-answer might work, he doubts it will. "I would think his dilemma is in part because he thinks if people think he's gay -- and I've carefully not commented on whether he is or he isn't -- they would hold it against him," Frank says. "Some of the right-wingers, however, seem to accept gay candidates as long as they seem kind of abashed by it."

Gay Republicans appealing to conservative voters may take solace that some "seem to accept the fact that being gay is beyond their control," though they "wouldn't accept someone acknowledging being gay if he appears to be unashamed of it," Frank says. Thus, a gay Republican might be OK not denying that he's gay, the congressman says, "as long as he appears to not be happy about it."

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