Ariel Sharon's most powerful weapon: George W. Bush

How did a Texas oilman end up being a fervent supporter of the hard-line Israeli prime minister?

By Aluf Benn

Mar 8, 2002 | Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon has a very powerful weapon in his war against the Palestinians: George W. Bush. In recent months, the White House has surprised many observers by giving Sharon almost unlimited approval to use whatever military force he deems necessary against the Palestinian intifada. Bush has defended Israeli military actions as rightful acts of self-defense against terrorism -- even accepting practices previous administrations had condemned, such as targeted assassinations. Instead, he has put the blame for the current situation entirely on the Palestinians.

Nor has Bush tried to restart the peace process. Unlike the Clinton administration, which invested a huge amount of personal and political energy in promoting Arab-Israeli peace, he has taken a hands-off approach. He has offered no initiatives of his own and has remained lukewarm to the latest initiative, a Saudi proposal offering Arab peace in exchange for Israel's withdrawal to its pre-1967 borders. When Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak visited the White House Tuesday and pleaded for deeper American intervention in resolving the conflict, Bush remained adamant that the onus was on the Palestinians. Achieving peace, said the president, "is only possible if there is a maximum effort to end violence throughout the region, starting with the Palestinian efforts to stop attacks against Israelis."

Under intense pressure to do something, with violence at unprecedented levels, Bush announced Thursday that he was sending his peace mediator, retired Marine Gen. Anthony Zinni, back to the region, and endorsed the Saudi plan. But, as usual, Bush explicitly criticized Yasser Arafat and refrained from criticizing Sharon.

Bush's remarks stood in sharp contrast to those of Secretary of State Colin Powell, who on Wednesday -- in a rare departure from the administration's line -- blasted Sharon's policies during congressional testimony. Responding to a blunt briefing given earlier this week by the prime minister, who said that success depended upon the Palestinians being "hit hard, with many casualties," Powell said, "Prime Minister Sharon has to take a hard look at his policies to see whether they will work. If you declare war against the Palestinians thinking that you can solve the problem by seeing how many Palestinians can be killed, I don't think that leads us anywhere." Powell criticized Arafat as well, but the thrust of his remarks was clearly aimed at Sharon. State Department officials preceded his public words with private messages to Israel asking, "Where do you think you're going?"

Back at the prime minister's office in Jerusalem, Powell's speech was all but dismissed. Sharon knows where the real power lies in Washington, and sees the State Department as a bunch of peaceniks and Arabists. He feels more at home with the hawks of the Pentagon and with Vice President Dick Cheney, who told Israeli Defense Minister Binyamin Ben-Eliezer last month that for all he cares, Yasser Arafat could be hanged. Bush, however, has not given Sharon a completely free hand to wage war against his old adversary. In their last meeting on Feb. 7, he rejected the Israeli leader's proposal to replace Arafat with "more pragmatic" Palestinian leadership. As for Powell and the State Department, Sharon knows he can't completely ignore them, even though the pro-Israel hawks hold sway over policy. Powell's speech on Wednesday was a warning to Israel not to go too far in its military strategy against the Palestinians. Sharon's room to maneuver lies between the Bush and Powell positions.

That Bush has been, to this point, so staunchly pro-Israel is something of a surprise. When he won the election, many Israelis feared he would tilt toward the Arab side. The Bushes were seen as Texas oilmen, heavily involved with the Saudis. There were memories of the elder Bush, who held up $10 billion in U.S. loan guarantees to force Israel toward the peace process in the wake of the Gulf War in 1991. Israelis were concerned that the son would follow in the footsteps of his father.

There was one Israeli, though, who knew George W., and held a totally different view of him. Tzion Evroni, Israel's consul general in Houston, cabled Jerusalem an analysis of the new president's approach toward the Jewish state. In his cable, Evroni emphasized that Bush's fervent Christianity was the basis for his deep support for Israel. This was further corroborated by W.'s pastor, who met Israeli diplomats. Telling them that Bush was a man of deep integrity, "a straight shooter," the pastor advised the Israelis to put on the table whatever differences they might have with Bush.

Evroni, who has served in Houston since the mid-1990s, received a distinguished service award from the foreign ministry for his success in identifying the Texas governor's potential rise and forging close ties with his inner circle. In 1998, Bush made a rare foreign trip to Israel, during which Sharon took him on a helicopter tour above the West Bank, flying low over military bases and Israeli settlements. Sharon -- who, man-to-man, is a politician of rare charm -- used the opportunity to explain the country's security concerns to Bush and win him over.

The Bush policies, however, are more than a simple reflection of his religion and Holy Land pilgrimage. Jewish support is vital to Bush's reelection hopes. American Jews are traditionally Democratic voters and contributors, but they are strong in the key state of Florida, where George W. almost lost the whole election, and where his brother Jeb is facing an electoral contest this November. A minor swing in Jewish support could mean a great deal to the Bush brothers.

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