Friday, Sep 5, 2008
Another standoff between the old and new regimes reportedly occurred at the Yugoslav Foreign Ministry, where opposition leader Zarko Korac said he was told by the current foreign minister that some employees had actually taken up arms this week to prevent the destruction of sensitive documents concerning possible plans for regime officials to seek asylum abroad. Zoran Janajkovic, a Milosevic ally who is believed to head the Foreign Ministry internal intelligence service, reportedly attempted to seize and destroy the documents until he was stopped by colleagues.
Dozens of regime officials are believed to have fled abroad in the past few days. Among the most important is Milosevic's son Marko, who on Monday was denied entrance into China and put back on the next plane to Moscow. (Marko, perhaps best known internationally as the proprietor of the Bambiland theme park and Madonna disco, also had his own gas, cigarette, alcohol and drug smuggling operation in Serbia.) Milosevic's financier and Beogradska Bank director Borka Vucic, is also reported to have flown to China, where much of the regime's money has allegedly been transferred during the past two years. Top Milosevic financier Vanja Bokan, an underworld figure who is reported to have invested regime money in Western stock markets, was assassinated last Thursday in Athens, Greece.
A top deputy to Kostunica, who would only be quoted on condition of anonymity, said it was in order to prevent just such flight of state assets that the opposition is aggressively moving to seize control of Serbian businesses from Milosevic allies.
"We want to begin making the necessary changes as soon as possible, so as to take the country out of the deep crisis", Zoran Sami, a vice president in Kostunica's Democratic Party of Serbia told journalists Tuesday. "The people have placed their trust in the opposition. In the confusion that was created, it was noticed that officials of the outgoing regime were using the chaos for plunder on a horrendous scale ... We have taken over some of these institutions only temporarily to prevent this plunder."
And moderate opposition leader Zarko Korac, warning of a possible coup attempt, threatened to send people back into the streets if Milosevic's allies tried to usurp power from Kostunica.
"We most seriously caution the public that plunderers, usurpers and violent people from [Mira Markovic's party] and Milosevic's SPS are getting ready for a dangerous adventure of their illegal return to power," Korac said late Tuesday.
At least a dozen Milosevic allies have resigned since his ouster on Oct. 5, along them Yugoslav Prime Minister Momir Bulatovic; Serbian police minister Vlajko Stojiljkovic; the Yugoslav health minister; the Serbian tourism, health and education ministers; and Belgrade's top cop, who ordered police to resist efforts to overtake the Yugoslav Parliament building. Though the spate of resignations initially encouraged opposition supporters that the vestiges of Milosevic's regime would bow out gracefully, Wednesday's events instead reveal a deep-seated effort by Milosevic's proxies to retain control of strategic Serbian institutions.
Though Kostunica, as president, in theory controls Yugoslav federal institutions such as the army and foreign ministry, much of the real power resides with the republics. Yugoslavia's two republics -- Serbia, with 10 million people; and Montenegro, with about 650,000 people -- both maintain broad autonomous powers. (For the past two years, Montenegro has steered a path away from Belgrade toward independence and closer ties with the West.) Many believe that Milosevic may try to return to republic politics, while letting Kostunica retain control over the relatively empty shell of the Yugoslav federation.
Kostunica, a constitutional law professor, had tried to use the momentum of his ascent to power to dissolve the Serbian government and call for early presidential and parliamentary elections on Dec. 17. But his efforts have been met with significant resistance. For two days, he has attempted to create a temporary technical government to rule in the interim. But Milosevic supporters say they want to preserve their dominance of the Serbian government. Serbian president Milan Milutinovic, who like Milosevic has been indicted for war crimes, has refused to resign. And leaders of Milosevic's SPS party refuse to engage in discussions with the opposition about the formation of a temporary Serbian government -- and are threatening to block early Serbian elections.
Most Western governments have made the lifting of sanctions and Yugoslavia's participation in international institutions such as the United Nations and the International Monetary Fund contingent on Milosevic's departure from political life. Last year the U.N. war crimes tribunal charged Milosevic and four other top deputies, including army head Gen. Nebojsa Pavkovic and police minister Vlajko Stojiljkovic, with war crimes.
Foreign diplomats -- including French Foreign Minister Hubert Vedrine, U.S. Ambassador William Montgomery and Bodo Hombach, head of a regional stability pact for Southeastern Europe -- have flooded Belgrade to congratulate Kostunica on his election. But the diplomatic well-wishes may be premature given Milosevic's demonstrated intention to remain influential in and destructive to Serbian political life.
The Serbian public's ardent desire to end the sanctions, reintegrate with Europe and rebuild Yugoslavia's shattered economy was a major impetus behind the revolution that elevated Kostunica to power. Serbian analysts believe now that because Serbs have had a glimpse of the light at the end of the tunnel, it will compel them to drive Milosevic and his cronies from power.
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