For months now, Bradley's been jabbing Gore for only seizing upon only the little issues and not thinking Bradleyesque deep thoughts. That cuts both ways, of course: New Hampshire House Minority Leader Peter Burling, a Democrat who's endorsed Gore, described a one-hour meeting with Bradley this way: "I knew I was in the presence of remarkable intelligence, but I can't say I fully understood what he was talking about."

Still, Bradley is on target when he derides Gore as hampered by caution. On the stump, Gore talks about niche issues like suburban traffic congestion, better preschool education and prescription drug benefits for seniors using Medicare.

In Congress, he picked similar small issues, taking on the makers of contact-lens solution and baby formula. Sutherland says that when he asked Gore, 'Why do you pick these issues?' Gore replied: "Because I can do something about them."

Gore is quick to point out that there are grander themes at stake in this election, however. Whatever his "practical idealism" shares with Bush's "compassionate conservatism" in rhetoric and overall squishiness, Gore argues that the differences couldn't be more stark, and the stakes couldn't be higher.

The next president, he points out, will probably appoint three Supreme Court justices. So, as he tells a crowded barn in Etna, N.H., "the future of many of our individual rights is at risk."

He and Bush differ on "policy toward crime and handguns," he says, arguing his belief in photo-licensing and waiting periods for handgun buyers, while "the other side wants more concealed weapons."

Gore opposes the tax cut the Republicans in Congress are pushing, wanting to use the budget surplus "to extend the life of Social Security" and "bring about revolutionary changes in our public schools."

Gore argues that the success of his "practical idealism" can be measured in its accomplishments, not its rhetoric.

"The best thing that President Clinton and I have done is to translate the lofty ideals that have always been at the heart of the Democratic party into a practical program that has made it possible to really achieve goals that were once felt to be beyond our reach," he told Salon. "Although we still have so much work to do, I feel that we've been able to restore some measure of confidence in the promise of self-government in a time that that confidence has begun to wane."

In contrast to the boyish, impulsive Clinton, the quick-tempered, formerly hard-partying Bush and lofty dreamer Bradley, Al Gore is staking out ground as the grown-up in chief. The administration's policies show "the kind of patience and common sense that make it possible to really achieve [Democratic] ideals," he says. "Our anti-crime program, our economic program, our education program, you can go right down the list. We have made a lot of progress in a lot of areas where people were beginning to think there was no realistic hope."

Clinton's (and Gore's) accomplishments aren't just a net plus, of course. In Gore's last run for the presidency, in '88, he was prisoner only to his own record and caution; now he's a prisoner of Clinton's foibles, too. Every Republican candidate links Gore to Clinton and, by extension, to Monica, to the China scandal, to Whitewater -- hoping to exploit the national weariness for this administration.

Which in the end may be Gore's biggest problem. As one of the few candidates with a legitimate claim to service in Vietnam, intelligence, a fairly moderate record, much-improving campaign skills and a strong political organization, you'd think Gore would be doing better in the polls than he is so far.

But Clinton may be the one monkey he can't get off his back. Gore has done a bit to distance himself from Clinton but there's really only so much he can get away with. At the Etna barn party, one New Hampshirite told Gore that he wished he had stood by Clinton even more, telling the country that Clinton "was your friend."

"He is my friend," Gore said in response. "I've had a closer working relationship with him than any vice president. My philosophy is, 'Hate the sin, love the sinner.' If you have a friend who makes a mistake, that doesn't destroy the friendship."

No, I thought to myself, but it might just destroy your candidacy. And it might help explain why everybody always seems to be picking on you, too.

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