Not for sissies

A leading conservative scholar's hardball new translation of Tocqueville's classic "Democracy in America" is a daunting example of tough love.

By John W. Dean

Nov 27, 2000 | Consider, if you will, the morass of our presidential election while reading a few observations from Alexis de Tocqueville's "Democracy in America," the 19th century classic, which has been newly translated, edited and introduced by Harvey C. Mansfield, a Harvard University political scientist, and Delba Winthrop, his wife, a Harvard lecturer:

" ...one can still consider the moment of the Presidential election as a period of national crisis."

" ...the parties have a great interest in determining the election in their favor, not so much to make their doctrines triumph with the aid of the president-elect as to show by his election that those doctrines have acquired a majority."

"Parties are an evil inherent in free governments."

"In the United States, it is people moderate in their desires who involve themselves in the twists and turns of politics. Great talents ... turn away from power in order to pursue wealth ... It is to these causes as much as to the bad choices of democracy that one must attribute the great number of vulgar men who occupy public office."

"Democracy in America" is as relevant today as it was when first published as two volumes in 1835 and 1840. For Tocqueville did for democratic government what Euclid did for geometry, Aristotle for drama, Darwin for biology and other great analytical minds for a host of other subjects -- he arrived at many clear and simple truths based on careful observation. This is not to say, however, that all his findings are correct. Many were wrong; more are now dated. Yet no one has better understood and explained the nature of democracy, and its impact on human nature.

Tocqueville's portrait of America is as much political Rorschach test as a profile of the early American character. It is a work of ethnohistory, sociology and political philosophy to which people of all political persuasions turn for authority. A small sampling of those who quote Tocqueville is illustrative of his broad appeal: Vojislav Kostunica (on the fall of Slobodan Milosevic), Sen. John McCain (2000 Republican Convention speech), President Clinton (1995 State of the Union), Speaker of the House Newt Gingrich (opening 104th Congress), Ross Perot (1995 book on Medicare), Supreme Court Justice Anthony Kennedy (Powers vs. Ohio), James Reston (memoir of the New York Times reporter), Margaret Thatcher (autobiographical book), Lani Guinier (the law professor's book, "The Tyranny of the Majority"), Robert Reich (Clinton's secretary of labor's book, "The Work of Nations"), Dan Quayle (autobiography) and Richard Nixon (autobiography).

A check of the Congressional Record for the 104th Congress shows almost twice as many Republicans as Democrats cite Tocqueville. This confirmed my hunch that he is slightly more popular with the right than the left. Or is it that for conservatives Tocqueville represents a state to which they would like to return, while for progressives he represents a place from which we started? This is not always clear, for more often than not Tocqueville is quoted out of context. When viewed in context, however, his study of America shows the roots of our democracy and its early growth.

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